The dominant influence of monasteries and the centralized church
in the mid-twelfth century granted figures such as Abbot Suger the means and agency to become patrons of artistic endeavours, of which the Abbot’s Saint-Denis is an archetypal example. The earliest instances of Gothic sculpture are argued to be the figures
on the façade of Saint-Denis dating to before 1140. Though they demonstrate how Gothic figures ‘stepped forward from Roman-esque wall reliefs into columns of the portal jambs’, this attribution is also deeply entwined with a far broader discourse on whether Saint-Denis can be considered the earliest Gothic monumental structure. Nevertheless, prosperity stemming from urbanization
and trades specialization in the thirteenth century allowed for large-scale building programs such as cathedrals, of which sculptures were considered integral elements. Scholars have argued that every plane of the Gothic cathedral was treated as a surface from which sculptures detached themselves. During this time, the rise of towns also meant that civic authorities joined the fold as patrons of sculptures, such as the creation and placement of wayside crosses. It is for this reason that architectural form and sculpture are deeply entwined and often examined in tandem.
By the thirteenth century, Gothic cathedral exteriors allowed for innumerable opportunities on which to include sculptures—ranging from tympana and wall surfaces to gargoyles and pinnacles. Sculptures were created by workshop masons charged with prepa-
ring all of the sculptural elements for building programs. For this reason, the stone provided for sculptures was largely identical to
the stone used for the remainder of the building. The Gothic sculptor, or ymagier, had a range of tools available—ranging from mason’s axes to chisels—for creating both interior and exterior architectural elements. An absence of working drawings of Gothic sculptures has led to speculation that the sculptors drafted and carved directly on the stone blocks. Large chisel marks can be seen covering the backs of sculptures and architectural elements.
十二世紀中葉，修道院和採取中央集權模式的教堂擁有主要影響力，為諸如絮熱 Abbot Suger 等人物提供了成為藝術實踐贊助人的方法和途徑，他的聖但尼大教堂就是一個典型例子。聖但尼大教堂立面上的人像可追溯至 1140 年以前，被視為最早期的哥德式雕塑實例。 雖然它們展示了哥德式人物如何「由羅馬式牆面浮雕邁向門窗側柱」，但這種歸因同時與另一個更為廣泛、關於聖但 尼是否可被視為最早的哥德式宏大結構的論述糾結在一起。可以肯定的是， 十三世紀城市化和貿易專業化所帶來的繁榮成就了大規模的建築計劃，例如建造大教堂，而雕塑是教堂不可或缺的 元素。歷史學家甚至主張， 哥德式大教堂的每個平面都讓雕塑擺脫自身的表面。其時，城鎮的興起也意味 着民間組織也成為了設計與購買雕塑的贊助者，例如路邊十字架的製造和置放 ( 展品 inv. BM #2003)。正因如此，建築形式與雕塑沒法分開，並且常被一起研究。
直到十三世紀，哥德式大教堂的外牆提供了無數展示雕塑的機會，從龕楣和牆面，到雨漏和小尖頂不等。雕塑由工作坊的石匠合製，他們負責為建築計劃準備所有雕塑元素。而用於雕塑的石材與建築物其餘部分的石材基本無異。哥德式雕塑家(或稱「ymagier」) 有各種可用的工具，由石匠用的斧頭到鑿子不等，用於製作室內外所有建築元素。哥德式雕塑並無現存製作圖紙， 促使學者猜測，雕塑家可能直接在石塊上起草設計和雕刻。如展品 inv. BM #1225 所示，雕塑和建築元素的背面往往滿佈大幅鑿痕。
Apart from ivory, marble and alabaster—which were partially painted to showcase the materials’ natural aesthetic qualities—stone sculptures were often completely gilded and polychromed. These were tasked to a painter who might have operated as a member of the sculptor’s guild. The liberal use of rare materials such as gold leaf and lapis lazuli (or the cheaper azurite) meant that polychromy was an expensive undertaking. Surviving orders indicate that sculptors were compensated less for carving sculptures than painters were for applied the polychrome decorations. Despite the scarcity of pigments, most sculptures were fully polychromed, including features that were destined to be installed outdoors. One such example, the Golden Virgin of Amiens, remained gilded from her creation in ca.1240 until the eighteenth century. The painter also undertook repairs, as evidenced by orders of payment for the treatment of weathered polychromy on statues. Numerous sculptures from the McCarthy Collection retain traces of original polychromy, such as the blue and red pigment remaining on inv. BM #1836. While regrettable, the loss of polychromy on sculptures affords one a glimpse of the Gothic ymagier’s skill. Fine herringbone tool marks are now visible on the figure’s surface.
Like many other craftsmen active in the thirteenth century, sculptors belonged to different corporations and guilds. While regulations differed regionally, these organizations dictated the types of sculptures that the ymagiers were to produce, as well as the techniques and materials to achieve them. The Gothic sculptor would have been constrained by the patron’s agendas, which were often religious. While confined to strict rules and hierarchies, the Gothic ymagier was highly mobile across the landscape. Beyond providing consultations and accepting commissions in other municipalities, entire workshops also travelled to participate in large-scale building programs. In the reconstruction of Chartres after the 1194 fire, Laon sculptors were mentioned in connection with Chartres’ central portal of the north transept, while a Sens workshop was credited for the sculptures of the Confessors and Solomon portals. Within this context, one can visualize how Gothic sculptures spread across the landscape and developed national idiosyncrasies. The creation of French Gothic sculptures was enabled by the vast building programs between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries, which other regions lacked at the time. Therefore, while bearing French influences, German Gothic sculptures mostly decorated cathedral interiors; Italian Gothic sculptures that showed influences from the Île-de-France region were not as heavily linked to the architecture. Further afield, the portals of English cathedrals were too shallow to loyally accommodate French models. For this reason, sculptural elements were rarely seen on English portals. It is this rationalization of labour and collaborative spirit that potentially hinders efforts towards attributing particular sculptures to a single hand.
有異於象牙、大理石和雪花石 ( 它們僅局部上色，以展示材料的天然美學品質 )，石雕通常完全鍍金和彩繪。這些任務可能交由一個身兼雕塑家行會成員的畫家負責。大量使用稀有材料如金箔和青金石 ( 或較便宜的藍銅礦 )，意味着上色是一項昂貴的工序。尚存單據顯示，製作雕像的雕塑家所得的酬勞比負責上色裝飾的畫家少。儘管顏料短缺，大多數雕像還是全彩製作，包括置於戶外的雕像。其中一個例子是亞眠大 教堂的鍍金聖母像 (the Golden Virgin of Amiens)，自約 1240 年製作以來，直至十八世紀一直保持鍍金。跟據處理雕像色彩風化所開的付款單所示，畫家更曾對雕塑作修復。眾多由麥卡錫蒐藏特選的雕塑作品都保留了原始的彩色痕跡，例如展品 inv. BM #1836 上殘留的藍色和紅色顏料 ( 圖一 )。雕塑褪色雖然叫人遺憾，但它們反而讓人一睹哥德 「ymagiers」的技藝。現在，觀眾在人像表面，可見由精細的魚脊形工具所留下的手工印記。
一如其他許多活躍於十三世紀的匠人一樣，雕塑家隸屬不同的公司和行業公會。各地區的規則雖然有別，但這些組織規限了「ymagiers」可造的雕塑類型，以及他們用以實現這些雕塑的技術和材料。哥德雕塑家受限於贊助者的主張，而這些主張通常具宗教性質。雖然受嚴格的規則和等級制度所限，哥德「ymagiers」在地域上卻流動得很廣。他們除了在其他城市提供諮詢和接受委託，整個工作坊還會移施當地，參與大規模建築計劃。在 1194 年大火後的沙特爾主教座堂重建項目中，其北翼中央大門的紀錄就提及拉昂 (Laon) 雕塑家，而一個森斯 (Sens) 工作坊被記作聖徒和所羅門門口的雕塑製造者。在這個背景下，我們可以想像哥德式雕塑如何在整個地域中傳播並發展出某些區域性特質。法國風格哥德式雕塑源自十二世紀至十四世紀期間的龐大建築計劃，當時其他地區均缺乏這種規模的項目。因此，德國風格哥德式雕塑雖受法國影響，但普遍只限裝飾大教堂的內部;而呈現法蘭西島地區影響的意大利風格哥德式雕塑，與建築物的關係較不緊密。再遠一些，英國大教堂的門口太淺，無法忠實地容納法國風格。雕塑元素也因此鮮見於英式門戶。這種人力的組織性和協作精神，令人難以將特定雕塑的製造歸功於一人之手。
Reims or Champagne, France, 1230–1260
H: 126.0 cm; W: 36.0 cm
The sculpture originally formed part of a scene of the Annunciation to the Virgin Mary and would have been placed in front of the figure of the Archangel Gabriel. It is carved in a style that relates to the vast program of sculptures for Reims Cathedral.
The figure’s courtly style and lively smile has its stylistic roots in the workshops of the Reims Cathedral. Half life-size, it appears to be carved nearly completely in the round from soft limestone. The locks of hair are thicker and more schematic, which is visually more similar to some of the voussoir figures forming the subject of the Apocalypse on the south portal of the west façade of Reims Cathedral.
高:126.0 厘米;闊:36.0 厘米
Presentation at the Temple
Picardy, France, ca. 1260–1280
H: 50.0 cm; W: 30.0 cm
A carved scene of the Presentation at the Temple, the Virgin Mary is shown handing the Christ Child to the priest for circumcision. Though somewhat worn, the sculpture shows fine details, including the delicate folds in the figures’ drapery and robes, as well as the fine tresses of the priest’s beard.
In terms of both style and quality, the sculpture can be closely compared with a carving of the Betrayal and Arrest of Jesus from the rood screen of Amiens Cathedral, currently housed in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (inv. 17.120.5).
法國皮卡第，約 1260–1280 年
高:50.0 厘米;闊:30.0 厘米
就風格和質素而言，雕塑可以與亞眠主教座堂聖壇屏風上的背叛與逮捕耶穌雕像相較，該雕像現為紐約大都會藝術博物館館藏 ( 館藏編號 inv. 17.120.5)。
Virgin and Child
Île-de-France, ca. 1320–1330
H: 109.2 cm; W: 35.5 cm
Presented in a contrapposto stance, the Madonna supports the infant in her left arm while holding the remains of a stem or scepter in her right. This, alongside her foliate crown, are emblematic of her heavenly queenship. The item that the Christ Child once held has been lost. Reaching to clutch the end of the Virgin’s veil, the gesture of filial tenderness is a characteristically Gothic re-visitation of the iconography of the ‘Virgin of sweetness’. Most of the original polychromy on the figures are lost—only faint traces of blue pigment remain on the Virgin’s tunic, with some red pigment on the Christ Child’s garment. Tool marks are visible on the surface.
This sculpture can be linked to a well-defined typo- logical subset of standing Virgin and Child statuary produced in the Île-de-France region beginning in the 1320s. Madonnas of this type usually have a round face and many examples show the infant holding fruit in his left hand. The white limestone was likely quarried in the area of Tonnerre and was employed widely across Burgundy, Troyes and in the southern region of Paris.
法蘭西島，約 1320–1330 年
高：109.2 厘米；闊 35.5 厘米
此雕塑與一種 1320 年代開始在法蘭西島地區製作、並具明確視覺特色的聖母聖嬰立像類型相關。這類型的聖母像通常有着一張圓臉，許多例子更見聖嬰左手持水果。白色的石灰岩很可能在托奈爾地區開採，並在勃艮第、特魯瓦和巴黎南部地區廣泛使用。
Relief Panels, the Life of Mary
Attributed to the Circle of the Master of Viboldone Lombardy, Italy, ca. 1340–1360
H: 74.0 cm; W: 230.0 cm
Three individual scenes depicting episodes from the Life of Mary were cut from a single slab of Carrara marble. On the edges of the relief are fragments of individual frames, suggesting that the original slab would have contained at least two other sides, possibly forming a rectangular funerary monument.
The three preserved scenes read from left to right, focusing on the story of Anne, the mother of Mary. In the first relief, drawn curtains reveal a bed chamber with Anne laying recumbent on the bed following the birth of Mary. The centre scene shows the enthroned Anne, Mary and the Christ Child being adored by a kneeling male donor. The narrative continues with the three-year-old Mary being brought to the temple by her parents, Joachim and Anne. According to legend, the temple had fifteen steps to correspond to the fifteen gradual Psalms. In this relief, it has been reduced to seven steps, which Mary climbs unaided. Standing within the temple, the high priest receives her at the top of the stairs.
The style and composition of the three reliefs reflect features of the second wave of Tuscan influence into Milan and Lombardy, which was affected by the artistic language of the Pisan sculptor, Giovanni di Balduccio. He is credited for introducing the narrative style of Andrea Pisano into Northern Italy, and is known for works such as the shrine of Saint Peter Martyr at the Dominican Basilica of Sant’Eustorgio, Milan, completed in 1339.
( 傳 ) 意大利維博德內大師圈
意大利倫巴底，約 1340–1360 年
高：74.0 厘米；闊:230.0 厘米
三個浮雕的風格和構圖反映了托斯卡納對米蘭和倫巴底的第二波影響，而這波影響正是由皮桑雕刻家 Giovanni di Balduccio 的獨特藝術語言所引起。他將Andrea Pisano 的敘事風格引入意大利北部，因而享負盛名。他也因為製作米蘭多明尼加聖歐斯托焦聖殿的殉道者聖彼得聖壇 ( 於 1339 年完工 ) 而聞名。
Champagne, Northern France, late 13th century
H: 68.0 cm; W: 50.0 cm
A standing angel holds a mantel edge in the left hand and a damaged object in the right—possibly a disc or nail. The angel is poised on the top of a canopy with trefoil arches and three spandrels, each containing a small architectural feature that may reference Castile. The torus molding to the right is framed by four repeating acanthus buds. Apart from the loose locks of hair held by a diadem, the angel’s pose suggests it accompanies a scene from the Passion, the Last Judgment or a hagiographic theme within the centre of the tympanum.
高：68.0 厘米；闊：50.0 厘米
站立的天使左手握住壁爐架邊緣，右手持一件已損壞的物體 ( 可能是一個圓盤或一口釘子 )。天使穩立於一個由三葉飾拱劵和三個拱肩組成的頂篷頂部，四者各包含一個可能具有卡斯提雅特色的小型建築。右側的環狀腳線飾有四個重複的老鼠簕葉芽浮雕。除了被王冠勾住幾綹散亂的頭髮外，天使的姿勢也暗示了它曾置於龕楣的中心部分，映襯着一 個耶穌受難場景、最後的審判或某聖徒主題場景。
Relief, Soldiers Slaughtering Men
Circle of Jean Ravy or Jean le Bouteiller
Paris, France, ca. 1300–1350
H: 30.0 cm; W: 41.0 cm
Set within a notched quatrefoil setting, helmeted soldiers aggressively stab at two peasants; one peasant is clutching yoked cows on the left and the other holds on to donkeys on the right. Kneeling and facing forward is a clean-shaven man wearing a hooded mantle. The composition breaks vertically to the right of this hooded figure.
The relief is cut from a larger composition, possibly from an altar retable. The quatrefoil frame is visually similar to complete retables, such as that in the Musée Saint-Germain, Auxerre. Analysis suggests that the relief was carved from limestone originating in quarries north of Paris, such as Saint-Maximin or Saint-Leu-d’Esserent. The relief is possibly connected to Jean Ravy, who was active in Notre Dame, Paris, during the first half of the fourteenth century. It also is likely connected to a relief fragment currently in the Louvre (inv. RF 1000) thought to come from the eastern part of the choir of Notre Dame, Paris, depicting ‘Joseph being beaten in the presence of Potiphar’.
Jean Ravy 或 Jean le Bouteiller 大師圈
法國巴黎，約 1300–1350 年
高：30.0 厘米；闊：41.0 厘米
此浮雕明顯是從一件較大型的組件上切下，很可能是來自祭壇後部的裝飾。四葉飾框與完整的祭壇飾屏相似，歐塞爾聖日耳曼修道院的祭壇飾屏就是一例。 分析顯示，此浮雕使用的石灰岩源自巴黎北部，如聖馬克西曼或聖勒代瑟朗的採石場所採出。此浮雕可能與十四世紀上半葉曾活躍於巴黎聖母院的匠人 Jean Ravy 有關。它也可能與羅浮宮館藏 ( 館藏編號 inv. RF 1000) 的一個浮雕斷片有關，據說斷片來自巴黎聖母院唱詩班席位的東部，描繪了「約瑟在波提乏面前被打」的場景。